The Black church has been bound up with a desire for political freedom—and understandably so—since the beginning. From the earliest days of their work as ministers, Black preachers were concerned about both the spiritual needs and social condition of the African American community.
In an essay published in 1902 entitled “To What Extent is the Negro Pulpit Uplifting the Race?”, Rev. John B. L. Williams observed the effect the Christian faith had on free Blacks, some of whom were born into slavery.
From these pulpits the Gospel goes forth with simplicity and power. Its truth and teaching is made to touch, shape and direct the practical side of Christian life. The evils which exist and which are a menace to the best and purest modes of life are strongly denounced and openly rebuked by the Negro Christian pulpit, and the race is being led to understand that sound moral character is the foundation upon which to build a strong, symmetrical, well-rounded manhood.
Other pastors applied their biblical training to the political and civic spheres. Bishop B. W. Arnett was an African Methodist Episcopal preacher who was elected to the Ohio state legislature in 1885 from a district with a white majority. He played a key role in overturning the state’s discriminatory “Black Laws.”
As Rev. Williams noted in his essay, Black ministers serving in elected office and various civic capacities were completely normal during this period. He put the leadership role of Black preachers in helpful historical context when he declared, “Now as in the past, the Negro pulpit constitutes the true leadership of the race.” This leadership role continued well into the 1960s, where Black ministers—most notably Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.—were at the forefront of the Civil Rights Movement.
While Dr. King is commonly credited with setting the direction for the Black church’s engagement in American civic and political life, there’s one little-known figure whose influence is far greater. The figure with the most lasting influence on progressive preachers today is Dr. James Cone, the father of Black liberation theology. His ideas clearly prioritized political activism over biblical fidelity.
Cone’s ideas continue to shape the thinking of African American pastors regarding the purpose of the Christian faith, the role of the Black church, and the duties of the Black preacher. Cone believed that in a “revolutionary situation,” theology is never neutral and is either “identified with those who inflict oppression or with those who are its victims.” In his 1970 book A Black Theology of Liberation, he states:
Insofar as Black Theology is a theology arising from an identification with the oppressed black community and seeks to interpret the gospel of Jesus Christ in the light of the liberation of that community, it is Christian theology. American white theology is a theology of the Antichrist, insofar as it arises from an identification with the white community, thereby placing God’s approval on white oppression of black existence.
Dr. Cone developed his liberation theology at the height of the Black Power movement, and his ideas appealed to people who lived through Jim Crow segregation. In his book For My People: Black Theology and the Black Church, Cone claimed Black churches and ministers could have done more to incorporate Marxism to analyze and critique both capitalism and racism. The evolving priorities of Black churches in subsequent decades prove Cone’s theological framework has a much wider application than income inequality and racial discrimination. His teachings explain why modern-day Black ministers abandon Christian doctrine on sex, sexuality, and marriage whenever a new “marginalized” group feels the Bible is aiding in their oppression.
There is nothing unbiblical about people in bondage being drawn to Christian teaching on freedom and liberty, as many former slaves were. Cone’s great error is the idea that political liberation is the chief aspect of God’s character.
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Much like the “prosperity gospel” guarantees material flourishing, liberation theology distorts the gospel by transforming Jesus into a spiritual genie whose main purpose is to free his followers from political oppression. The genesis of the Black church’s institutional compromise was a different flavor of “prosperity preaching,” with “social justice” as the desired goal instead of material wealth. The preachers who shed biblical truth in the face of political pressure to advocate for new victim groups use a subtle yet effective three-part process to make theological rebellion look like a biblical imperative.
First, liberation theologians believe that freedom from social and economic inequality, rather than sin, is mankind’s greatest need.
Second, they hitch additional oppression categories (e.g., sexuality, gender identity) to the Civil Rights Movement, bestowing new victim groups with the moral authority and cultural capital to fight their “oppressors.”
Finally, they bypass clear biblical texts that address whatever social transformation new oppressed groups are seeking in favor of unrelated passages, political talking points, folk wisdom, and clichés that give their support a veneer of spiritual authority.
This is why preachers like Al Sharpton, Otis Moss III, and Raphael Warnock were willing to suppress Bible verses on marriage that impeded the left’s fight for “marriage equality” in favor of a “love is love” mantra that was easier to fit into a civil rights template that made gay the new Black. In fact, Cone compared churches that did not fully affirm queer people to racists who lynched Black people in public remarks after the release of his 2011 book The Cross and the Lynching Tree.
The theological drift that is a feature of Cone’s teaching has made many politically engaged Black pastors a liability, not an asset, in efforts to strengthen the Black family. Progressive pastors steeped in liberation theology can’t preach with biblical clarity and conviction about sex, marriage, and family because doing so would be seen as an act of violence against groups they believe are marginalized. The preachers who claim to bring freedom to the oppressed have become slaves to their own ideology. They also feel political pressure from a Democratic Party that speaks the language of racial justice and has successfully branded itself as the chief defender of Black progress and civil rights.
This has led to a fusion of racial solidarity and political loyalty that creates the illusion that “voting blue” is the “Black” choice for socially conscious African Americans. This cultural reality has trapped many Black pastors in an ideological box. They claim to be brave prophets willing to speak truth to power, but they are more like cupbearers for the left—there to serve, not challenge, the people in charge.
If the priorities of progressive pastors were in order, they would speak biblical truth to the political party their members help put into power. Instead, liberation theology has transformed the Black church from a religious institution dedicated to the pursuit of righteousness to the religious wing of the Democratic Party.
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This is the Devil’s bargain that liberation-minded Black preachers and churches struck with progressives on issues that are directly linked to the family. They traded biblical fidelity for the appearance of social justice. The clearest example of political preachers making this pivot was after President Barack Obama came out in support of same-sex marriage. By affirming his stance—or remaining silent on the issue—they abrogated their biblical authority and ceded the debate about marriage to the political sphere. This prevents them from addressing family matters with biblical and moral clarity, an act of theological malpractice that extends beyond marriage to undermine other aspects of family life, including abortion and gender roles.
A 2022 Washington Post article entitled “Why some Black churches aren’t elated about the possible end of Roe” shows that even the destruction of Black babies can be justified when abortion restrictions are framed as tools of oppression. Multiple clergymen talked about being personally pro-life in theological terms but not political terms. Rev. Cheryl Sanders, senior pastor of the Third Street Church of God in Washington, DC, noted she “doesn’t want to align herself with far-right conservative activists she disagrees with on many social issues.”
The Christian faith is by nature conservative—in a theological sense. The Scriptures are replete with verses pointing to the unchanging and enduring nature of God and the Bible. Revelation 1:8 says, “‘I am the Alpha and the Omega,’ says the Lord God, ‘who is, and who was, and who is to come, the Almighty’” (ESV throughout). Malachi 3:6 says, “For I the Lord do not change; therefore you, O children of Jacob, are not consumed.” Isaiah 40:8 says, “The grass withers, the flower fades, but the word of our God will stand forever.” Hebrews 13:8 says, “Jesus Christ is the same yesterday and today and forever.” These verses do not mean that the biblical text cannot be distorted or manipulated by self-serving people, but it does mean that the Bible is not a party platform that gets updated every four years.
Thankfully, there are countless others who are faithfully preaching and teaching God’s word. These congregations are often small and do not receive any media attention. Many are led by pastors more concerned with preparing their members for eternity in heaven than getting souls to the polls on Election Day. Some of these churches have vibrant ministries for men, women, and families. They are committed to remaining faithful to biblical ethics regarding sex, sexuality, marriage, family, and the sanctity of life without any concern for whether elected Democrats—or Republicans—agree.
Liberation-minded pastors who reject the biblical definitions and descriptions of sex and marriage are incapable of doing the work needed to rebuild the Black family. They fashion themselves as brave prophets, but they make race and politics twin idols that draw their hearts—and pulpits—away from God.
Christians are often told to beware of wolves in sheep’s clothing. That is wise counsel, but what’s even more dangerous is a wolf in shepherd’s clothing. The former can devour a few sheep before the others scatter, but the latter can lead an entire flock over a cliff.
One ray of hope is the biblical theme of God’s mercy on those who turn from their wicked ways and trust him. The pattern in both the Old and New Testaments is quite familiar. God’s people rebel. He rebukes them. They reflect on their sin and repent. He restores them. This is my prayer because the Black family needs the church to function in its God-given role now more than ever.
Excerpted from Delano Squires’ The Vanishing Black Family: How Welfare and Feminism Made Marriage Optional and Children Vulnerable (Sentinel, 2026). Squires is the director of the Richard and Helen DeVos Center for Human Flourishing at the Heritage Foundation.
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